Thousands of Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) supporters converged on Durban’s King Zwelithini Stadium at the launch of the party’s election. President Zuma was the worst leader since , but the IFP could still save the a rapturous welcome at the launch of the IFP’s election manifesto. An injured Mangosuthu Buthelezi received a rapturous welcome at the launch of the IFP’s election manifesto.

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The electoral upshot of this organisational ossification has been manifestto slowly but steadily chipping away at party support linked to the generation of loyal voters forged under the KwaZulu state and in the low-intensity conflict with the UDF; and, most critically, the failure to attract new and first time voters not defined by apartheid-era institutions and politics.

The Buthelezi cult has given the IFP an authoritarian character that has led to repeated purges and defections over the last forty years, shrinking the talent pool, closing down space for innovation and new constituencies, and rendering the party incapable of adaption in changing times. With the provincial election victory of in KwaZulu-Natal the ANC created the basis for its sweeping success ofconfirmed by election Ironically, an urban-rural electoral divide is emerging in South Africa, one election after it has disappeared in KwaZulu-Natal.

Buthelezi had ruptured his quadriceps tendon, the connective tissue that binds the muscles of the thigh to the kneecap, said Van der Merwe.

Taken together with public complaining about a lack of resources, these reflect the decline of the IFP to the point that it is no longer the main competitor for the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal. For its part the ANC wanted Buthelezi to state his loyalty to ANC leadership, and allow the movement to operate in his homeland, whereas Inkatha wanted the ANC to recognise it as a vital force in the struggle.


Thus while ethnicity might be useful in the short-term and at the local level including within the ANCits long- term and national limitations are now widely recognised. You are illiterate like Zuma, pupil told A parent is seething after a teacher allegedly told her child he reminded her of the president, who cannot count properly.

The main reason for this is a stifling internal organisational culture based on a personality cult around the party leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi. While he gave few details of how this court would work, much of his speech dealt with the eradication of corruption.

Thousands attend IFP manifesto launch

This leaves the IFP with 10 seats in the national assembly. The Elections, Johannesburg: In moving from implication to lessons, the first one is, as with other homeland parties, the limit to social bases formed under homeland rule 20144 an enduring form of popular mobilisation.

In it secured just 2.

Apartheid-era identities and loyalties will steadily recede, as the decline of the IFP in represents — indeed before any other case. Results and trends In the IFP wonvotes on the national ballot or 2. As pointed out by many observers, a key strength of the ANC has been an enviable combination of internal debate and loyalty to the party that has helped it reinvent itself in the face of periodic crises. Quality janifesto Buthelezi said the country’s education system did not need to churn out grade 12 pupils, but needed to manifedto a system that delivered quality education.

‘Inkatha Freedom Party: The Elephants Graveyard’ | Laurence Piper –

Through these qualities he was able to secure leadership of the KwaZulu government in and then launch Inkatha in making him a national leadership figure in the mid- to late- ifpp. This chapter will describe and explain the decline of the IFP through electoral politics, the relationship of political party to the state and internal organisational culture.


Electoral competition took the place of a violent power struggle.

Click here to sign up. These authorities manifeeto most dominant in majifesto north of the province, the historical heartland of the Zulu kingdom. It is for your sake that we have laboured. More significant than the loss of 2. As argued elsewhere, recognising that the demand for secession really reflected a desire for inclusion, the ANC successfully demobilised IFP militancy through a diplomatic politics of power sharing, and consequently political violence dissipated steadily after Toggle navigation Toggle profile.

These are decisive shifts maniffesto the pattern of party politics in the province since Party leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi received a rapturous welcome when he entered the stadium in Umlazi. The ANC, conversely, has roots in the working-class settlements of the cities, and with the re-emergence of radical urban movements in the s, a power-struggle erupted between the two actors for leadership of black politics.

IFP election manifesto focuses on eradication of corruption | News | National | M&G

A key part of this power-struggle has always been the state as a source of coercive power in party conflicts, resources for campaigning, and patronage to secure support from key social actors — hence the heightened significance of election in winning mamifesto of the KwaZulu-Natal government for the ANC. Notably, this near-perfect mirroring ends in with the rise of the NFP. At the same time, the rights of farmworkers needed to be protected. This spatial pattern reflects the historical heartlands of both parties — the ANC in urban areas of the south, and the IFP in the heartland of the Zulu kingdom, and more pertinently the KwaZulu Bantustan of the s.

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